Toespraak van Michel Aoun

Afgelopen zondag was een grote demonstratie gepland door de beweging van Michel Aoun. De regen gooide echter roet in het eten. Wel heeft Aoun een toespraak gehouden. Om inzicht te krijgen in de Libanese wijze van speechen, heb ik hieronder de Engelse vertaling van de volledige speech opgenomen. Belangrijke passages heb ik vet gemaakt en ook heb ik hier en daar voetnoten opgenomen. Deze kun je helemaal onderaan de lange toespraak (ruim 45 minuten) vinden.

Great people of Lebanon, (1)

Today is the 16th anniversary of that tragic day: October 13, 1990. It is by far the most important landmark in the history of our struggle and in the contemporary history of Lebanon.

On that day, the Syrian army waged an all-out attack against the last beacon of freedom not only in Lebanon itself but also in the entire Middle East; and for the first time ever, an entire people was besieged from all sides and punished for its “crime” of daring to demand its natural and basic rights by shouting: sovereignty, freedom and independence. This military operation would not have happened without cover and green light from local and international sides. How ironic to witness the double-standard of seeing, at the same time, the entire world mobilize to liberate Kuwait while encouraging and giving a green light to the occupation of Lebanon! (2)

The Lebanese people were subdued on that day and lost that battle… but that loss signaled the collapse of human values and all human-rights charters.

In our own consciousness, however, October 13th continues to represent until this very day the dignity of the defeated and the humiliation of the victorious.

It was a historical disgrace that will forever taint all those who stood idly watching… and a crime on the hands of all those who participated in the spilling of innocents’ blood.

On that day, the long journey of our struggle started. It was a journey marked by our strong will to persevere, resist and adapt to the new situation. It shifted our activities from inside Lebanon to the vast horizons of the world. The Lebanese Diaspora, everywhere it has a presence, engaged itself in our struggle and mobilized all its resources and, together, we completed what we had started at the Baabda Palace.

Our presence here today, standing on Lebanon’s soil and under its free skies, is but the culmination of this long struggle… it is also the realization of a promise I made as I was leaving Lebanon when I told you: “Today, as I am leaving Lebanon to France, I tell you after a long silence that the work you started will not end until it is fully realized... so, until we meet again.”

Here we are... We have met, and we will stand together.

Great people of Lebanon,

I address you today not to dig the wounds of the past but to strengthen together our absolute belief that the human being is indeed a value, and that our society cannot redress itself except on the basis of self-evident virtues at the forefront of which are the values of rightness, goodness and fairness.

I address you today to reaffirm our convictions and way-of-life, the essence of which are honesty, integrity, transparency, courage and loyalty; these convictions and way-of-life have formed the solid foundation and the spotless sphere for our long struggle in defense of Lebanon as a final country for all its people and its sacred right to sovereignty, freedom, and independence.

I address you today, as always, after you have put your valuable trust in me in the last parliamentary elections, to reaffirm one more time our relentless endeavor in uniting the Lebanese, all of the Lebanese, within the framework of a consensual democracy we are intent on realizing after long years of separation, alienation, oppression, arrests and banishment caused by three decades of Syrian occupation of Lebanon.(3) We will make this happen away from all aspects of sectarianism, discrimination or anything that might set the people of this country apart; this is indeed what hardened our positions on all issues of national interest, always giving prevalence to dialogue over tensions and to the Constitutional recourse over temperamental decision-making as a means to resolve any dispute.

We had our strategic vision embodied in the principles enumerated in the Charter of the Free Patriotic Movement Party and the inaugural speech. It was also spelled out in the Memorandum of Understanding we signed with Hizbullah which, while important and a worthwhile goal to accomplish in itself, we intended it to be a springboard for the serious and constructive dialogue we have long sought to have with all the Lebanese parties, even before my return to Lebanon on May 7th 2005 (4), with the aim of seeking together final solutions to all disputed issues.

Great people of Lebanon,

In celebrating this dear memorial today, we are recalling all what sacrificing for one’s country and for humanity means. This remembrance day is a solemn tribute of respect to the noble souls who fell on the altar of the nation to preserve the unity of Lebanon and the honor of its people. Today, our thoughts go especially to those we lost and whose fate is still unknown due (5) to the neglect and procrastination of consecutive governments of Lebanon from 16 years ago to the present day.

Today, we pay a solemn tribute to those who drenched our nation’s soil with their blood in defense of their country’s sovereignty, honor and dignity against the Syrian occupation.

We also pay tribute to the heroes who defended Lebanon against all Israeli aggressions. (6)

Do you know, dear compatriots, that some of those who monopolize power and work on marginalizing you today are the same people who worked against your will back then and endeavored to marginalize you and humiliate you?

This is why I proudly declare, here in front of you, that owing to the sacrifices of our martyrs whom we remember today and to your perseverance in our struggle, Lebanon is finally free.

Yes, Lebanon is free indeed… We regained our sovereignty and our independence… We regained our free decision-making; but this decision-making ability we dread losing again because of the political deviation we’re witnessing and because of political tourism in foreign capitals. (7)

Dear compatriots, now that the war has ended, how we long for working together to rebuild our country; yes, we who believe in the will to live and transcend all the negativities of the war and feelings of revenge, grudge, and hatred. But unfortunately, we were surprised to see that what we freed ourselves from in Anjar (8) has reappeared somewhere else… We see the Constitution being ignored and violated, as is all that points to the existence and viability of the state… The ministerial program declaration remains empty unimplemented words.

Thus is the current government, emanating from a fictitious majority (9), legitimizing indifference toward the concerns and needs of the people, spreading corruption and misusing and misappropriating public funds, and taking the country back to the concept of polarization. This government, in the way it is formed, falls quite short on comprehensive representation of the Lebanese and thus does not instill confidence. Many of this government’s decisions fall short of comprehensively benefiting all sectors of society and thus it is selectively denominational. Crucial decisions that relate to the fate of the country are taken unilaterally, let alone that they paralyzed all oversight, accountability and supervisory bodies that are, in democratic systems, at the core of the state.

They tell you that there will be a constitutional vacuum if there is a change in government but in reality you are living in such a vacuum now, (10) since no item in the ministerial program declaration has been implemented and also because of the degradation in performance that exceeds any logical explanation and which has reached levels of intentional provocation. That’s why we have never hesitated nor will we hesitate to hold this government accountable for every setback Lebanon might go through.

This vacuum was evident when the government refrained from carrying out its duties in the latest Israeli aggression against Lebanon and just acted as a go-between between the resistance and the United Nations. The government even evaded carrying out its humanitarian and relief duties, and had it not been for the solidarity shown by the civil society, a major catastrophe would have befallen us (11).

In this context, it was necessary to meet with you as always to get inspired by your staunch will and unshakable determination. And as at every crucial juncture in our national life, we make decisions that you inspire, you the free people of Lebanon, not from masters and custodians. We make these decisions away from personal interests and temptations just as we refuse to yield to any pressure, no matter how intense it might get, especially those pressures that might sow the seeds of turmoil in the country.

Today, with your massive turnout to this rally and your unshakable belief in the need to save Lebanon from its floggers, you have proven to the entire world, once again, that the yearning for change and reform has spread to every corner of the country and no obstacle of any kind shall stop it.

Great nations are those that can couple their political discourse with real application.

With this in mind, we affirm that change and reform will only find its way to implementation according to the following principles and beliefs (12):

• We believe in democracy as a system of governance and a way-of-life, and we consider it to be the sole system that preserves the dignity of man, empowers the individual and frees his abilities, and allows him to be the master of his destiny.

• We declare that we adhere to human rights as stipulated in international charters, and to public freedoms which constitute the foundation of democracy, and ascertain that men and women are equal in terms of rights and duties, and that the woman is a partner in building society and in decision-making.
• We long to achieve a more comprehensively humane and fair society; a society in which the concept of citizenship is given its true dimension; a society that stands in solidarity with its weak and marginalized groups; a society that does not sacrifice its youth for its elderly.
• We pledge to preserve national unity, based on true partnership and balance, as a guarantee to the survival of Lebanon as a nation and a mission.
• We emphasize modern Arabism that is open to and interacting with all cultures and to which Lebanon has contributed greatly.
• We consider that Lebanon, a land of dialogue and interaction, has a prominent role in spreading the culture of peace in its environs and in the world.

Building the state and reforming it cannot be implemented except by strengthening the rule of law through the principle of separation of powers which will institute checks and balances and effective oversight and accountability mechanisms. As for sovereignty and independence, they can be preserved by coupling national unity with the rule of law. Thus we will no longer have powerful individuals who overpower a weak state, but a strong state through its competent administration and institutions and its recourse to the Constitution and laws.

As for effective democracy, it can be enabled through:

• The revival of the values and ethics that guide the right to dissent and the freedom of opinion and speech.
• The purification of political practice from all kinds of vices and abuses, which will put an end to media manipulation and misleading promises. (13)
• Adhering to and strengthening the principle of national consensus so as to put an end to unilateral actions and decision-making and to the domination of a ruling majority over an oppressed and marginalized minority.
• The enactment of a modern electoral law that guarantees a true and just representation of the people, curbs the influence of political money and sectarian fanaticism, provides equal media opportunities, boosts political and party activism, establishes a mechanism to renew the political life, and guarantees the participation of the Lebanese Diaspora. Thus passing this law and its implementation mechanisms have become of utmost urgency to correct the actual flaws.

It is impossible to build a state on corruption and bribery. Thus it is our duty to make all efforts in view of separating money from authority, so that money turns into a productive economy and authority into a state where justice prevails.

It is also our duty to fight corruption and bribery through the revival of oversight and inspection bodies, financial and administrative auditing, passing all necessary laws, and applying the principle of accountability. (14)

There will be no modern and competent administration without restoring respect to the civil service, modernizing it, improving its standards, and regaining the lost confidence between the Lebanese people and their state by putting an end to politicizing the administration and eradicating the practice of dividing spoils amongst politicians; and this will not happen without adopting the concept of citizenship, competence and qualifications in appointing and hiring public servants, and respecting the law and the authority of relevant institutions when it comes to appointment, promotion, and accountability.

True security is one that is based on proper relations between the components of Lebanese society. True security is not selectively denominational, as some depict it today; such security can only lead to collective confrontation and cannot inspire confidence and peace.

The security forces have the duty to fight crime, which is an anomaly in society. But what is more dangerous is the organized crime of terrorism which threatens all societies, crosses borders and breaks down all defenses; any leniency in dealing with terrorism, or any neglect in forestalling it, represents in fact, a cover for it.

The armed security apparatus that must be established and spread throughout Lebanese territory is one which will guarantee stability, protect our citizens, abide by the rule of law, and respect the rights and freedoms of the individual. This type of security apparatus is what can, at the same time, meet the challenges of fighting terrorism and crime, the formation of illegal armed groups and the practice of self-protection. This can only be accomplished by restoring the credibility of the Lebanese security apparatus by separating it from politics, and putting qualified and disciplined personnel in charge. Moreover, the security forces must be sheltered from external influence, from, sectarianism and from favoritism. They must be provided with modern and advanced weaponry so that they will be able to defend the country, and the dignity of our people.

A fair, incorruptible, and independent judiciary can be established only by divorcing the judiciary from political disputes and subjective affiliations, enabling it to implement justice ensure the respect of the law, and safeguard public and private rights and freedoms.

We must strengthen the judiciary as an independent constitutional institution, boost its immunity, activate its oversight bodies and improve the professional qualifications of the judges. We should look to the day when we no longer resort to special and exceptional courts, and we should revive the constitutional council to rule, once again, upon the constitutionality of laws and the legitimacy of the electoral process.

As to economic growth and social justice, we consider that these issues are not political ones or merely technical ones to be dealt with by technocrats, no matter how well-qualified they are; rather, they are core issues of life with regard to which major decisions should be taken with careful consideration of costs and benefits. These decisions should reflect the image of the society and state for which the Lebanese people long.

The Lebanese economy is ailing under the burden of ever-increasing debt, and economic recession, which has triggered massive emigration and has severely impacted our international trade balance. Thus the national economy is faced today with two major challenges: stalled growth, and a huge financial burden. These two challenges are not equally important, as the national economy must achieve three main things: growth, justice, and planning.

Achieving growth requires an improvement in the financial, technological, and marketing capacities of our productive sector, and on the serious management of the privatization process. It also hinges on fighting monopolies and centers of favoritism, no matter where they are, be it in the private or the public sector.

The main criterion for establishing economic justice is equality and balance between obligations and opportunities among all of our people. We can achieve this by re-writing our tax laws, by austerity in public spending, and by revisiting the meaning of balanced development throughout all areas of the country.

The economy of planning and prevention should ensure that tomorrow’s resources are not consumed today, and that the consequences of the past are not transferred carelessly to the future. This economy will require rational management with awareness of financial burdens and risks; it must be based upon the capacity of the Lebanese people, and the support of friendly-states, and international financial institutions. This economy’s main priority should be the support of institutions which promote social solidarity, especially those which deal with health, retirement, and the protection of the Lebanese peoples’ assets from any kind of threat or abuse. It should also preserve Lebanon’s natural, environmental, and cultural resources, and it should build strong ties with the Lebanese Diaspora and put its intellectual and economic capacity to good use.

National sovereignty and external challenges have proved that preserving independence is no less difficult than gaining it. Lebanon, which has regained its sovereignty, freedom and independence, has the right to use all means to face any aggression against its territory and people and any interference in its internal affairs.

Lebanon faces today numerous challenges, the most important of which is the July war and what it revealed.

Undoubtedly, what the Lebanese people have accomplished through resistance in all its forms, both military and civil, is a real victory that made the Lebanese cause regain worldwide importance. Thus Lebanon is no longer a consolation prize, and it is no longer a site for, or an easy victim of, conspiracies and compromises and deals cut at the expense its sovereignty, independence, and the dignity of its people.

One of our big challenges is to refrain from isolating Lebanon from its environs and from the world, because Lebanon is a country that has always enjoyed international credibility, has always abided by the decisions of the international community regarding the preservation of its sovereignty and regaining its independence, and was a founding member of the United Nations and the Arab league. In this context, we must be clear in our political relationships with the international community that our right to sovereignty and independence is indivisible, inalienable, and non-negotiable in all circumstances.

Those are the main principles of international policy that draw our approach to all thorny issues.

As for the relationship between Lebanon and Syria, we look forward to having natural and normal relations with Syria by reviewing the past, drawing lessons from it, by refusing its repetition, and by rejecting any kind of mandate. This relationship should be based on national sovereignty and independence, mutual respect, friendship, and the preservation of legal and mutual interests. To achieve this, Syria must acknowledge that the Shebaa farms are Lebanese, the borders between the two countries must be redrawn, and the fate of the Lebanese prisoners in Syrian jails must be revealed and they must be freed. Moreover, diplomatic representation between the two countries must be established, and the bilateral relations between Lebanon and Syria must be removed from the sphere of individual relationships and be placed within the official framework. It would then be possible to review bilateral treaties on the basis of balanced interests between the two countries. (15)

As for the relationship between Lebanon and the Palestinians, it is our position that the failure of the international community to find a solution allowing the Palestinian refugees to return to their land (16) will not cause Lebanon to transform their temporary status in Lebanon into a permanent one. We are determined to launch a serious and prompt dialogue with the Palestinian Authority and its representatives in Lebanon to find a final and comprehensive solution to the Palestinian issue with the aim of:

• Ensuring decent living conditions inside the camps and adopting necessary measures to allow free movement of Palestinians inside and outside of Lebanon in such a way that guarantees their return to their home land and which rejects categorically their settlement in Lebanon.
• Solving the issue of Palestinian arms since they are not justified and have actually become a national concern so as to eliminate these weapons, to straighten security issues inside the camps to impose the control of the state and guarantee the respect of Lebanese laws.

As for the conflict with Israel and the issue of the protection of Lebanon, we believe that Lebanon longs for real peace which goes beyond the cessation of hostilities and which lays the foundations for comprehensive justice acceptable by all people of the region. This peace is attainable by adopting the recommendations of the Beirut Summit. Lebanon has long suffered from occupations that cost us human sacrifices and material losses, and which required political and military resistance. Resistance is a sacred and legal right that the Lebanese people have exercised for the purpose of liberating their country relying in conformance with international law. This was proven in the last July war.

Since all the Lebanese people have contributed to the cost of liberation, all are invited today to protect Lebanon and to safeguard its sovereignty and its existence. They must together endeavor to maintain peace on the border and to restore control of the state over Lebanon in accordance with UN Resolution 1701 and thus by:

• Liberating Shebaa farms, the Kfarshouba Hills and the village of Ghajar.
• Liberating the Lebanese prisoners from Israeli jails.
• Demanding the cessation of Israeli violations of Lebanese airspace and territorial waters.

It goes without saying that the protection of Lebanon is a national responsibility which rests on the shoulders of all of the Lebanese people, and which should be agreed upon through national dialogue in which the parties develop a diplomatic plan and a strategic defense to be implemented by the state’s institutions. The weapons of Hizbullah must be included in this framework. These weapons, which have the sole aim of defending Lebanon, are temporary. (17) We have endeavored to find the right framework and circumstances that would solve the weapons issue, which requires the establishment of a robust and righteous state. These principles were developed in our Memorandum of Understanding with Hizbullah and are at the core of our national beliefs and needs. Any assertions that do not fall under this umbrella are only attempts to dominate and to provoke tensions; allegations about the rise of an Islamic state and talk about coup d’etats and about the use of force and weapons are intended to promote fears and spread horror in the country, in order to keep the Lebanese people imprisoned in their cocoons, dreading peace, and content with isolation.

Therefore, we call for the establishment of a modern, democratic and just state that serves the interests of all the Lebanese people in terms of achieving justice and democracy.

We also look forward to establishing international relations which guarantee Lebanon’s independence and sovereignty, and we, along with all the Lebanon people, long to unveil the truth about the terrorist crimes that have shaken the lives of the Lebanese people and jeopardized their security.

We also call for the implementation of what remains of the Taef agreement, the return of the displaced to their villages and the return of the Lebanese refugees in Israel. (18)

To emerge from the current crisis, we must begin building a national authority based on fair representation; this can only be done through the adoption of democratic processes that naturally bring about constitutional institutions.

And since in Lebanon, sovereignty can only be implemented by the people and entrusted to the parliament through free and honest elections under an electoral law that ensures accurate representation, then the natural starting point for building national consensus and a strong national authority is the formation of a government of national unity which will establish a new electoral law according to the criteria we mentioned today, and revive the constitutional council.

Then, the new parliament would elect a President of the Republic and the president-elect would form a new government.

It is absurd to give in to the legality of the current authority simply because it is supported by the international community comprised of countries that have always dealt with and are still dealing with de facto regimes without giving them any legitimacy. The legitimacy of a government’s authority cannot be given except by the people, and it is not yielded but from the will of the people. We will deal with reservation with all external powers that do not respect the principle of a just democracy, and which tries to cover up political tricks. We have explained to them thoroughly the painful and harsh reality that has prevented Lebanon from having a correct start for democracy; it is about time that everybody knows that we will not accept any violation of our rights.

Great people of Lebanon,

In the past, and while I was still abroad, I invited all parties to a table of dialogue on the eve of Independence Day in 2004. But my invitation was refused despite the fact that I warned them against rejecting my call because the responsibilities we face are crucial; what I feared the most happened and the stability of Lebanon received a major blow. But they lack any sense of responsibility.

Then, we engaged in the table of dialogue under the umbrella of the parliament, but that dialogue failed because they refused to deal with issues in such a way that would correct what the elections damaged in terms of building a free state; instead, they used the dialogue to cover up for the failure of the government.

Today I fear that they are losing the last chance they have to build the nation which can only be achieved through the formation of a government of national unity. (19)

In the past, after the Syrian troops withdrew from Lebanon, we asked them not to refuse our call; we call on them today and again ask them not to reject our call.

Great people of Lebanon,

This is our vision and these are our principles for building the state. It is with your determination and your resolve that nations are built, and dreams are realized.

Long live Lebanon

Voetnoten

(1): Dit is een kenmerkende uitspraak die in al zijn speeches veelvuldig terugkomt. Op zijn Arabisch: Ya Sha'aba Lubnan al Azeem

(2): Daar heeft hij een goed punt waarmee hij de harten van de Libanezen weet te vinden. Zeker ook omdat de Kuweiti’s door velen als arrogant werden beschouwd en men het stiekem wel eens was met Saddam Hoessein die hen wel eens een lesje zou leren.

(3): Hier kiest hij een duidelijke en harde anti-Syrië lijn en valt daarmee zijn politieke bondgenoot Hezbollah af. Zoals in een vorige bijdrage al gemeld, ziet het er naar uit dat Aoun terug naar zijn wortels gaat: de anti-Syrische maronieten.

(4): Bij mijn weten zijn er weinig uitspraken van Aoun waarin hij al voorafgaand aan zijn terugkomst aangaf een strategische alliantie met Hezbollah te willen sluiten.

(5): Dit is een referentie naar de vele voornamelijk christelijke Libanezen die, naar het schijnt, nog steeds in Syrische gevangenissen verblijven. Hezbollah wordt vaak bekritiseerd dat zij niets doen voor deze Libanezen terwijl ze zich wel druk maken om het bevrijden van de Libanezen, voornamelijk sjiieten, in Israëlische gevangenissen. Tot nu toe heeft Aoun ook niet over dit onderwerp gesproken. Dat hij dat nu wel doet, indirect maar toch, is een aanvullende indicatie dat hij afstand neemt van Hezbollah en sterker opkomt voor zijn christelijke achterban.

(6): Na al zijn anti-Syrië retoriek ook nog even Israël genoemd. Dat moet hij ook wel doen omdat hij door sommigen er van wordt beschuldigd teveel pro-Israël te zijn. Zeker tijdens de burgeroorlog voerde Aoun wel oorlog tegen mede-christenen en tegen Syrië, maar aartsvijand Israël bleef, vreemd genoeg, altijd buiten schot.

(7): Een bekend verwijt aan de huidige regering, namelijk dat zij marionetten van Amerika en Frankrijk zijn. Wel is het vreemd dat juist Aoun dit verwijt maakt aangezien hij altijd erg trots was op zijn bezoek aan het Amerikaanse congres en hij herhaaldelijk heeft verteld dat Syrië het land heeft verlaten dankzij zijn invloed op Amerikaanse politici.

(8): Hier was het hoofdkantoor van de Syrische inlichtingendienst gevestigd van waaruit Libanon feitelijk werd bestuurd

(9): De uitspraak “denkbeeldige meerderheid” wordt door de minderheid gebruikt om de huidige regering mee aan te duiden. Het zou denkbeeldig zijn omdat de verkiezingswet als ontoereikend wordt beschouwd en door deze “corrupte” verkiezingswet de huidige regering aan de macht is gekomen. Opvallend in deze redering is dat het de vorige regering was die de wet heeft ingesteld en dus verwacht mocht worden dat zij een zo gunstig mogelijke variant zouden opstellen. Dat de vorige regering desondanks heeft verloren, is veelzeggend.

(10): Een bekende waarschuwing van de regering is dat aftreden nu tot een machtsvacuüm zou zorgen. Aoun pareert deze kritiek handig door te stellen dat er toch al een vacuüm is, dus de regering kan rustig aftreden, de situatie zou er niet slechter op worden. Ook zijn kritiek dat de regering te weinig besluit wordt door veel Libanezen gedeeld. Enerzijds is dit de standaardemotie van veel burgers die dat “politieke zooitje” toch al niet vertrouwd, anderzijds bereikt de regering inderdaad bar weinig en heeft Aoun wel degelijk gelijk met deze feitelijke constatering.

(11): Een compliment voor Hezbollah die veel effectiever was in de hulpverlening dan de regering. Veel Libanezen zullen het overigens niet eens zijn met de opmerking dat zonder de hulp van de burgermaatschappij een grote catastrofe plaats zou hebben gehad. De oorlog an sich was al ramp genoeg.

(12): De zes uitgangspunten van Aoun’s beleid. Het was mede hierom dat deze toespraak werd gezien als een presidentiële speech waarin hij aantoont een volwaardige kandidaat voor de hoogste post te zijn. Hij reikt uit naar de Arabische wereld en probeert hiermee de angst weg te nemen dat hij als christen niet verzoenend zou kunnen zijn in de Arabische wereld. Ook opvallend is zijn opmerking dat vrouwen gelijkwaardig zijn. Op zich niets nieuws, maar je hoort dit soort uitspraken vrijwel nauwelijks in Libanon dat nog zeer traditioneel is voor wat betreft de rolverdeling tussen man en vrouw.

(13): Interessant om te vermelden is dat Aoun van plan is zijn eigen TV station te beginnen. Hij was de enige leidende politicus die nog niet zijn eigen omroep had. Men vertrouwt de onafhankelijkheid van de media klaarblijkelijk niet echt en heeft liever ieder zijn eigen station.

(14): Dit is een stokpaardje van Aoun en wie kan hier tegen zijn? De huidige regering, misschien, want die zien niet veel in dit plan. Als ze het al ondersteunen, dan toch met de kanttekening dat dan alle fraude onderzocht moet worden, teruggaand tot de tijd dat Aoun de leiding had in Libanon (1988-1990). Ze hopen wellicht dat Aoun hierdoor afschrikt omdat hij zelf ook schuldig zou zijn aan fraude en corruptie, maar Aoun heeft aangegeven geen enkele moeite te hebben met een onderzoek naar zijn regeerperiode.

(15): Hiermee wijkt Aoun af van het standpunt van Hezbollah dat niet aandringt op grensafbakening, erkenning door Syrië dat de Shebaa boerderijen Libanees zijn en de uitwisseling van diplomaten. Het is veeleer een standpunt dat dichter tegen zijn oorspronkelijke anti-Syrië houding aanzit en wat goed valt bij zijn voornamelijk christelijke achterban.

(16): Het recht op terugkeer van de Palestijnen wordt nergens zo fanatiek verdedigd als in Libanon. Van links tot rechts, van moslims tot christenen: men is het er volledig over eens dat de Palestijnen terug moeten naar Palestina en geen definitieve verblijfstatus in Libanon zouden moeten krijgen.

(17): Deze uitspraak, dat op termijn Hezbollah haar wapens moet opgeven, lijkt stoerder dan hij werkelijk is. Hezbollah zelf is het hier volledig mee eens want zij benadrukken keer op keer dat zij hun wapens heus zullen opgeven…zodra de tijd rijp is.

(18): Vele christenen van Zuid-Libanon, waaronder aanhangers van Aoun, zijn indertijd naar Israël “gevlucht”. Het is een hete aardappel in de Libanese politiek of zij terug naar Libanon mogen komen. Immers, vluchten naar het land van de vijand kan ook wel eens collaboratie zijn geweest, en om nu dergelijke “landverraders” terug te laten gaat velen te ver.

(19): Aoun waarschuwt de regering: dit is de laatste kans die je hebt, zoniet…De angstige vraag die Libanezen hebben is het antwoord op de vraag “wat dan?”